Pacific Crossings

In Takaki Chapter 10: “Pacific Crossings,” it is concluded that immigrants crossed the Pacific to come to America and were identified and discriminated against differently in Hawaii than on mainland United States.

The Japanese “were pushed here by external influences” just like blacks were (246). Japanese envisioned a wonderful life in America, hearing great stories about the wages there. “To prospective Japanese migrants, ‘money grew on trees’ in America,” (247). More women emigrated from Japan than from China because they emigrated as family members or “picture brides,” brides to be in an arranged marriage, and they were not as afraid of the outside world because they were exposed to it through education. Some Japanese traveled to Hawaii but not mainland America. The discrimination there was based on working class and not so much skin color. Plantation owners sent for “men with families” in order for better work and to improve the economy (251). Sugar planters in Hawaii stated, “Get labor first and capital will follow” (251). Laborers were first seen as mere supplies, but were recognized by where they came from. “Employers were systematically developing an ethnically diverse labor force in order to create divisions among their workers and reinforce management control,” (252). This created competition between ethnicities and promoted tensions between them. Whites were given almost all of the supervisory positions which frustrated others because they could not improve their position or status. Japanese in short were, “reduced to supplies…pitted against workers of other nationalities, and excluded from skilled employment,” (254). A gender gap existed in Hawaii as women had similar jobs as men but were paid less. Some Japanese protested and formed unions that went on strike. Strikes displayed a transformation from “Japanese to Japanese Americans,” and “Japanese were framing their demands in ‘American’ terms…saying conditions were ‘undemocratic and un-American’” (258). As the labor force became more diverse groups began to realize that a labor movement would need unity among different ethnicities, as one working class. Soon 77% of plantation workers were on strike, the “Hawaiian version of the ‘giddy multitude,’” (260). Different groups were all fighting for the same goal, and they began interethnic sharing. A common language even came about, “pidgin English.” On mainland United States the Japanese were viewed as “of the yellow race” and were scorned for that (266). Many Japanese laborers became farmers and were successful. “Wealth did not immunize people from racism though,” (270). Japanese became “aliens ineligible to citizenship,” and even later “citizenship and education (second generation) did not immunize them from racial discrimination,” (274).

Does not recognizing a certain culture eliminate any possibility for a positive group identity as mentioned on page 261? I feel everything is based on the views of others. I disagree with Takaki just by the mere fact that the “real self” may be different from the “public self” and may be worse. A group may not be viewed by their culture, but they can “put on a show” in order to be accepted and identified positively.

I find it quite interesting how on mainland United States racial discrimination based on skin color was so huge, and yet in Hawaii the distance was based on class. In Hawaii laborers were known by numbers instead of names, which is like college (our P00 #). Meiji men were a great example of a “lazy ass.” To not help your wife at all seems ridiculous. Another interesting note that I took was that Japanese only planned on being in America temporarily, not thinking much of the harsh conditions at the time, but…